The TL;DR of these is that there is a global shift in almost all countries to greater wealth per person, lower fertility per woman, and a great slowing in the percentage growth rate of humanity. Supporting evidence for that is an almost linear growth rate for 60 years (which means declining percentage growth rate), said improvement in wealth per person, smaller family sizes globally, and a global shift in age distribution to older generations. Further, in the first video Rosling describes an ongoing slide in these metrics over the decades to more positive values. These trends continued after the date of that talk (in 2006). So in particular, we're not on the out-of-control exponential population growth train. We have an opportunity to get things to work out.
I'll finish with a quote from the transcript for the first talk describing the above slide.
This is where I realized that there was really a need to communicate, because the data of what's happening in the world and the child health of every country is very well aware.
So we did this software, which displays it like this. Every bubble here is a country. This country over here is China. This is India. The size of the bubble is the population, and on this axis here, I put fertility rate. Because my students, what they said when they looked upon the world, and I asked them, "What do you really think about the world?" Well, I first discovered that the textbook was Tintin, mainly.
(Laughter)
And they said, "The world is still 'we' and 'them.' And 'we' is the Western world and 'them' is the Third World." "And what do you mean with 'Western world?'" I said. "Well, that's long life and small family. And 'Third World' is short life and large family."
So this is what I could display here. I put fertility rate here -- number of children per woman: one, two, three, four, up to about eight children per woman. We have very good data since 1962, 1960, about, on the size of families in all countries. The error margin is narrow. Here, I put life expectancy at birth, from 30 years in some countries, up to about 70 years. And in 1962, there was really a group of countries here that were industrialized countries, and they had small families and long lives. And these were the developing countries. They had large families and they had relatively short lives. Now, what has happened since 1962? We want to see the change. Are the students right? It's still two types of countries? Or have these developing countries got smaller families and they live here? Or have they got longer lives and live up there?
Let's see. We start the world, eh? This is all UN statistics that have been available. Here we go. Can you see there? It's China there, moving against better health there, improving there. All the green Latin American countries are moving towards smaller families. Your yellow ones here are the Arabic countries, and they get longer life, but not larger families. The Africans are the green here. They still remain here. This is India; Indonesia is moving on pretty fast.
In the '80s here, you have Bangladesh still among the African countries. But now, Bangladesh -- it's a miracle that happens in the '80s -- the imams start to promote family planning, and they move up into that corner. And in the '90s, we have the terrible HIV epidemic that takes down the life expectancy of the African countries. And the rest of them all move up into the corner, where we have long lives and small family, and we have a completely new world.
This gets back to what I said about us gradually becoming a two class society. You have one group of people that are utilizing the countless tools this society offers to enrich themselves and they are seeing rewards like never before. And then you have another class of people who sit around, play on the internet all day, complain they don't have as much as other people, and are increasingly overtly asking governments to take it from other people and give it to them.
Looks to me like the developed world has changed. It's not so much a society of haves and have nots, but rather a society of does and does not. What remains a mystery to me is why the "do nots" think the rest will bother to support their lifestyle -not whether they should (I think I understand the moral argument here such as it is), but rather will.
For example, in the course of my work, I routinely run into people who are in their twenties and have never worked a job in their lives. Not only are they unprepared for a job, they usually are unprepared for interacting with people different from themselves (particularly, guests). The good sign is that most can and do learn. Then there are people, sometimes very advanced in age (60s, for example) who have yet to do that.
I imagine a lot of the support for UBI comes from people who just want to keep avoiding that particular thing. It probably also explains some of the people here who have so much trouble with other peoples' viewpoints.
My take is that nowadays, the most advanced societies of the world are spending considerable effort to create adult babies. We'll see how that turns out, but my small view of that doesn't look pretty.
But the “extraordinary” measures we are seeing are not all that extraordinary. Powerful forces were pushing toward greater censorship and surveillance of digital networks long before the coronavirus jumped out of the wet markets in Wuhan, China, and they will continue to do so once the crisis passes. The practices that American tech platforms have undertaken during the pandemic represent not a break from prior developments, but an acceleration of them.
As surprising as it may sound, digital surveillance and speech control in the United States already show many similarities to what one finds in authoritarian states such as China. Constitutional and cultural differences mean that the private sector, rather than the federal and state governments, currently takes the lead in these practices, which further values and address threats different from those in China. But the trend toward greater surveillance and speech control here, and toward the growing involvement of government, is undeniable and likely inexorable.
In the great debate of the past two decades about freedom versus control of the network, China was largely right and the United States was largely wrong. Significant monitoring and speech control are inevitable components of a mature and flourishing internet, and governments must play a large role in these practices to ensure that the internet is compatible with a society’s norms and values.
and
Apple and Google have told critics that their partnership will end once the pandemic subsides. Facebook has said that its aggressive censorship practices will cease when the crisis does. But when COVID-19 is behind us, we will still live in a world where private firms vacuum up huge amounts of personal data and collaborate with government officials who want access to that data. We will continue to opt in to private digital surveillance because of the benefits and conveniences that result. Firms and governments will continue to use the masses of collected data for various private and social ends.
The harms from digital speech will also continue to grow, as will speech controls on these networks. And invariably, government involvement will grow. At the moment, the private sector is making most of the important decisions, though often under government pressure. But as Zuckerberg has pleaded, the firms may not be able to regulate speech legitimately without heavier government guidance and involvement. It is also unclear whether, for example, the companies can adequately contain foreign misinformation and prevent digital tampering with voting mechanisms without more government surveillance.
The First and Fourth Amendments as currently interpreted, and the American aversion to excessive government-private-sector collaboration, have stood as barriers to greater government involvement. Americans’ understanding of these laws, and the cultural norms they spawned, will be tested as the social costs of a relatively open internet multiply.
COVID-19 is a window into these future struggles. At the moment, activists are pressuring Google and Apple to build greater privacy safeguards into their contact-tracing program. Yet the legal commentator Stewart Baker has argued that the companies are being too protective—that existing privacy accommodations will produce “a design that raises far too many barriers to effectively tracking infections.” Even some ordinarily privacy-loving European governments seem to agree with the need to ease restrictions for the sake of public health, but the extent to which the platforms will accommodate these concerns remains unclear.
We are about to find out how this trade-off will be managed in the United States. The surveillance and speech-control responses to COVID-19, and the private sector’s collaboration with the government in these efforts, are a historic and very public experiment about how our constitutional culture will adjust to our digital future.
What's bizarre about the article is that the authors come up with numerous examples of censorship gone wrong and government abuse of power (the massive Chinese censorship apparatus, Snowden revelations, ubiquitous digital monitoring, and Russian government propaganda concerning US elections), and then speak vaguely of the harm of digital speech. Somehow from that, they argue that growing censorship of free speech is better than the alternative. Are they listening to themselves?
While one can argue that a private platform has a legal right to censor any way that it feels like (ignoring that for years, most of these platforms presented themselves as free speech communities and are now bait-and-switching hard), this article above illustrates one of the big ways that fall afoul of free speech law. The authors advocate for government getting involved in the censorship, both regulating it and helping the censors find the right targets to censor. They're basically calling for a Fascist-style government-lead effort to censor. That falls in First Amendment territory in the US.
And they don't seem to get that they'll probably be first against the wall when the coming tyranny needs to get rid of its formerly useful idiots.
The idea is to take the human out of the loop near completely and see what happens. Since I think the basic building block, the Curry combinator is rather inefficient, the point is more to build a model of how bootstrapping works than to build useful, efficient code (my primary contribution to efficiency is to pick a system that isolates the resource-consuming copy combinator) - though I have no problems with that, if it should be a consequence.
A key problem is that we don't know what to expect from bootstrapping, particularly metrics for things like rate of improvement. Some samples, even if they aren't practical, would help us come up with conceptual models of bootstrapping. For a crude example, suppose we can measure the rate at which the productivity of our efforts increases as a function of our present productivity. If that function slows down enough, we'll cap at a near future amount little better than present. If it's linear, that's exponential growth (at least as long as it lasts). If it's greater than linear (at least for a stretch), then there's an genuine near-singularity in the near future.
Some useful features down the road would be ways to log information about generations (I'm sticking with the genetic algorithms paradigm though there's no reason to expect future generations of optimizers to strictly follow it).
If there's interest, I can go on. At this point, my hope is that this is close to simple enough that people will look at it and think "Hey, I can do that" and maybe we can bust open this particular concept (and how to measure it) in a way that doesn't require an army of coders.